THE NEW YORK TIMES: The barrage of Donald Trump’s awful ideas is doing exactly what it’s supposed to

The first month of the second Trump presidency has put the lie to the widespread wisdom that Donald Trump has no ideology and no ideas, only an insatiable thirst for power and money. Trump has shown that he has ideas. So many ideas. They are just really bad ideas:

The United States can own, ethnically cleanse and redevelop the Gaza Strip as a luxury resort. The U.S. will buy Greenland and take possession of the Panama Canal.

The government will become more efficient by cutting the Department of Education, the U.S. Agency for International Development, medical and science research and many, many jobs. Diversity, equity and inclusion caused the collision of an Army helicopter and a passenger plane in the air near Washington. Immigrants and transgender people are an existential threat to Americans. The president can and should rule by decree. These are all ideas, in the sense that they are opinions, beliefs or expressions of a possible course of action.

Some of these ideas would have seemed unthinkable just weeks ago. But now that they have been thought and uttered by the man in possession of the world’s biggest megaphone, all of us are forced to engage with them. Otherwise sane people start debating questions like: Could the U.S. really take over Gaza?

Would Egypt or Jordan go along with the ethnic cleansing project? Can trillions of dollars really be cut from the federal budget with a few keystrokes? Is there evidence that DEI caused the crash? Are all immigrants criminals? Do trans people exist? Did the founders intend to check the power of the executive?

Flooding the ether with bad ideas isn’t Trump’s unique know-how; it’s standard autocratic fare. Hannah Arendt used the word “preposterous” to describe the ideas that underpinned 20th-century totalitarian regimes. Bad ideas do a lot of the work of building autocracy.

By forcing us to engage with them, they make our conversations, our media and our society dumber. By conjuring the unimaginable — radical changes in the geography of human relationships, the government and the world itself as we have known it — they plunge us into an anxious state in which thinking is difficult. That kind of anxiety is key to totalitarian control.

Life under autocracy can be terrifying, as it already is in the United States for immigrants and trans people. But those of us with experience can tell you that most of the time, for most people, it’s not frightening. It is stultifying. It’s boring. It feels like trying to see and breathe underwater — because you are submerged in bad ideas, being discussed badly, being reflected in bad journalism and, eventually, in bad literature and bad movies.

Much has been said about the Democrats’ failure to sound the alarm loudly enough, swiftly enough or broadly enough as Trump has mounted his campaign of destruction. Some of the criticism is not entirely fair.

The American system of checks and balances isn’t designed to move as fast as Trump is moving or to stop a bad-faith individual intent on breaking it. A real problem, though, is that Democrats’ objections to these ideas have been primarily procedural. Trump understands politics as the interplay of power and ideology. His opponents see politics as procedure.

The contrast has never been starker — and never has the Democrats’ technocratic, legalistic approach been more detrimental to the cause of democracy. It’s not Trump who doesn’t have ideas; it’s the people who should be fighting to stop Trump’s autocratic breakthrough.

It is not enough to say that Trump and his crony Elon Musk are staging a coup, though they are. Many of the people who voted for Trump want to see him smash what he has successfully framed as a useless, wasteful government. It is not enough to say that Trump is destroying American democracy.

Many of the people who voted for him did so because they have long felt that the system as it is constituted doesn’t represent their interests — and Trump and Musk have argued that they are wresting democracy back from unelected bureaucrats. It is not enough to say that Trump’s actions have caused a constitutional crisis or that his executive orders may violate laws passed by Congress. Many of the people who voted for Trump longed to see their frustrations addressed by decisive, spectacular action, which he is delivering.

Not that defending institutions, norms and laws is wrong. It is essential. Contrary to popular opinion, it is institutions, norms and laws — not elections — that constitute a functioning democracy.

The mechanisms Trump is destroying are certainly imperfect, but they are also inspired, sometimes brilliantly devised and almost always beautiful in concept, for they are the mechanisms of self-government, the products of deliberation and collective action, the embodiment of our obligations to one another.

It is hard to imagine an American politician saying something like that today. If one did, he would sound like a lunatic, or a pious academic whom Trump would Marx-bait.

The idea that government is fundamentally suspect has been around for so long, has become so widely held — and has had such a dumbing-down effect on public conversation — that a full-throated defense of the ideals and institutions of American government seems cringeworthy.

Trump’s other bad ideas have the same effect. There is no significant political voice promoting our obligations to asylum-seekers, arguing against unconditional support for Israel, making the case for the great responsibility that comes with being a great power or mounting a defense of trans rights not merely because trans people are a tiny and maligned minority but because human reinvention is the lifeblood of progress. Instead, the argument Democrats have advanced against all of Trump’s bad ideas boils down to “You can’t do that.”

Actually, it would appear, he can. Less than a month into his second term, Trump cannot yet govern like the emperor he apparently imagines himself to be, but he is actively promoting the idea that he should be able to.

His vice president has cast as lawbreakers judges who have tried to stop Trump’s assault on government, and Trump himself has transparently threatened to go after them. Many polls suggest that a majority of Americans like what they have seen and heard so far.

Admonitions to obey the law will not stop Trump and will not dissuade his supporters. Trump’s bad ideas must be countered with good ones. His attack on the government has to be contrasted with a vision of how the system could work and should work — for the people, not the emperor-in-the-making.

This is an extremely difficult kind of resistance to muster because it calls for clear thought and inspired vision just when the onslaught of bad ideas, and the anxiety they engender, make it so difficult to think clearly and envision a future.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

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